BuddhistRoad

BuddhistRoad Paper 1.7 "Ne Hāḍe Vajrropamä Vaśärä: Indic Loanwords in the Khotanese Book of Zambasta and the Chronology of the Spread of Buddhism to Khotan"

2023-08-02T12:55:52+00:00

The Middle Iranian Khotanese language received copious amounts of loanwords from the Indic Gāndhārī and Sanskrit languages. These loanwords have not, however, been systematically studied, and although the present paper does not constitute an attempt to provide such a comprehensive survey, it makes a limited probe in the same direction through the examination of the borrowed vocabulary in the 5th century Book of Zambasta, the longest extant and arguably most substantial Old Khotanese text. This focused examination of the Indic element in Khotanese highlights the fact that the form of Gāndhārī that informed the earliest Khotanese spread of Buddhism was probably not identical with the one represented in the sacred Buddhist texts from Gandhāra proper, as well as distinct chronological layers, with Gāndhārī providing the majority of the vocabulary for the most basic terms for Buddhist thought and practice and Sanskrit providing, instead, the more elaborate compound repertoire of terms associated with the Mahāyāna and with mature scholastic philosophy (Skt. abhidharma).

Chinese Translation

中古伊朗语族的于阗语从印度语支的犍陀罗语和梵语中借用了大量词汇. 不过, 这些借词还没有被系统地研究过, 本文并不试图对此做全面的探讨, 但通过对5世纪《赞巴斯塔书》中借词的研究, 本文在这一议题上进行了有限的探索. 《赞巴斯塔书》是现存最长, 也可以说是最有分量的古于阗语文本。对于阗语中印度语元素的重点研究突出了这样一个事实, 即最早在于阗语中的传播佛教的犍陀罗语很可能与来自犍陀罗本土的佛教圣典中的语言形式不尽相同, 即犍陀罗语为佛教思想和实践提供了大部分最基本的词汇, 而梵文则提供了与大乘佛教和成熟的学院哲学 (梵文: abhidharma) 相关的复杂混合的术语体系; 而且这些于阗语中的印度语元素还可溯源于不同的年代.

BuddhistRoad Paper 2.7 "Tibetan Ritual Texts and the Uṣnīṣavijayādhāraṇī on the First Panel of IOL Tib J 466"

2023-03-03T11:57:02+00:00

This article explores prayer texts written on the first panel of a manuscript whose content links Dunhuang (敦煌) and Central Tibet, IOL Tib J 466. The wider Dunhuang corpus of which this manuscript is part offers scholars a time-capsule from the social and cultural world of first-millennium CE Dunhuang, a melting pot with connections to China, the eastern part of the Silk Road and Tibet. The corpus can also be used, with caution, to compare religious practice there with what we know of Buddhism at the court of the Tibetan emperors in the eighth and ninth centuries especially. One aspect of this is ritual, into which category fall prayer and the related genre of dhāraṇī (Tib. gzungs, Chin. tuoluoni 陀羅尼), and IOL Tib J 466 contains both of these. This article focuses on the first panel of this manuscript, containing invitations to the buddhas of the ten directions, praises to the eight great bodhisattvas and an exemplar of the Uṣnīṣavijayādhāraṇī (Tib. gTsug tor rnam par rgyal ba’i gzungs, Chin. Zunsheng zhou 尊勝咒). Analysing these materials within the context of prayer and dhāraṇī literature evidenced in some of the other Tibetan-language documents from Dunhuang and later canonical Tibetan exemplars and references broadens the description of ritual traditions in the Tibetan imperial (ca. 600–850) and early post-imperial period and within Tibeto-Chinese Buddhist communities in Dunhuang during and after Tibetan imperial control over the region (up to 848).

Chinese Translation

本文探讨了一份内容与敦煌和西藏中部有关的写本(即IOL Tib J 466)首面的愿文. 作为浩繁的敦煌文献的一部分, IOL Tib J 466是公元第一个千年, 与汉地, 丝绸之路东段和西藏有联系的大熔炉—敦煌的社会和文化世界的时间胶囊. 严肃来讲, 敦煌文献也有助于比较敦煌的宗教活动与我们所知的八, 九世纪的藏传佛教活动. 仪轨便是可比较的一个方面, 愿文和相关的陀罗尼 (藏文: gzungs)都属于这个类别, 而IOL Tib J 466同时包含了两者. 本文重点讨论该写本的第一部分, 其中包含了迎请十方诸佛, 赞颂八大菩萨以及《尊胜咒》(藏文: gTsug tor rnam par rgyal ba’i gzungs) 的样本. 综合敦煌其他一些藏文文献以及后来的藏文典籍和参考样本中的愿文和陀罗尼文献分析这些材料, 可以扩大对西藏帝国时期(约公元600–850年)和后西藏时期的仪轨传统, 以及在西藏控制该地区期间和之后(至公元848年)敦煌的藏汉佛教团体中的仪轨传统的描述.

BuddhistRoad Paper 1.6 "On the Margins: Between Beliefs and Doctrines within Tibetan-Ruled Dunhuang Scribal Culture"

2023-02-27T10:22:42+00:00

This article explores the disparity between the Central Tibetan Buddhist doctrines espoused and spread by the Tibetan Empire (Tib. Bod chen po, ca. 7th c. to 842, Bod chen po) and those of the multi-ethnic inhabitants of Dunhuang (敦煌) during the same period. It begins with the multi-ethnic background of the Tibetans themselves and how the Tibetan Empire maintained complex relations with those on its borders, as well as their Buddhism(s). It then unpacks the ‘self-presentation’ of Tri Songdétsen’s (742–ca. 800, Tib. Khri Srong lde brtsan) royal discourse (Tib. bka’ mchid) of doctrine and its spread throughout the Tibetan Empire by means of imperial machinery of state administration. The second half of the paper focuses on Tibetan-ruled Dunhuang (perhaps late 750s/early 760s, or 787, to 848) and evidence of the many different beliefs there not contained in Tri Songdétsen’s royal discourse. It looks at the Aparimitāyurnāmasūtra from the perspective not only of content but also of the evidence of scribal practice spread over its many copies from Mogao Cave 17, also known as the Library Cave (Chin. Cangjing dong 藏經洞). This view from the periphery suggests the variety of Buddhist beliefs not explicitly included in the royal discourse, as well as the varying perspectives on how the Tibetan emperors connect with them and some of the ways in which these influenced the margins of the Tibetan Empire after it fell in the mid-ninth century.

Chinese Translation

本文探讨了西藏帝国 (Bod chen po, 约公元7世纪至842年) 时期, 西藏地区与敦煌多民族杂居区所信仰和传播的藏传佛教教义之间的差异. 文章首先介绍了西藏帝国本身的多民族背景, 以及西藏如何与周边民族和不同地区的佛教保持复杂的关系. 然后解读了赤松德赞 (公元742–约800年, 藏文: Khri Srong lde brtsan) 所诰谕 (藏文: bka’ mchid) 的教义的“自我呈现”以及这些教义通过帝国行政机构在整个西藏的传播. 本文的后半部分着重于西藏治下的敦煌 (可能是公元750年代末/760年代初, 或787年至848年), 以及赤松德赞的诰谕中没有涉及的其他众多不同信仰的证据. 本文对《无量寿经》的研究, 不仅包含其内容, 还涉及莫高窟第17窟(又称藏经洞)中所藏的其众多副本所展现的抄经文化. 这种外部视角指出了诰谕中没有明确包括的各种佛教信仰, 以及西藏皇帝如何与之联系的不同观点, 还有这些信仰在九世纪中期西藏帝国灭亡后影响其边隅地区的一些方式.

BuddhistRoad Paper 3.1 "Bodhidharma, Meditation, and Medicine: On the Message of a Fragmented Buddhist Medical Text from Dunhuang"

2023-01-30T13:48:31+00:00

The present essay is devoted to a discussion and analysis of Dunhuang (敦煌) manuscript P. 3181 which features a meditation text attributed to the Buddhist saint and Chan Buddhist (Chin. chanzong 禪宗) patriarch Bodhidharma (d. ca. 530). It is noteworthy because it represents a stage in the development of Chinese Buddhism in which local practitioners of meditation became increasingly influenced by Daoist beliefs and practices. As such, the manuscript under discussion documents the conflation of Chan Buddhism, Buddhist meditation generally conceived, and Daoist practices for the circulation of vital energy of the kind one later encounters in the tradition of internal alchemy (Chin. neidan 內丹). In the course of this presentation, the focus will be on Dunhuang, and how medical beliefs and practices, many of which derived from Daoism, were incorporated into the various systems of belief and practice of local Buddhism.

Chinese Translation

本文主要讨论和分析了敦煌写本P.3181中佛教大师, 禅宗始祖菩提达摩(约公元530年)的禅修文. 值得一提的是, 它代表了汉传佛教发展的一个阶段, 即当地的禅修者越来越受到道教信仰和实践的影响. 该写本记录了禅宗, 一般意义上的佛教禅修和道教任督循环(后期应用于内丹术中)的融合. 本研究主要着眼于敦煌, 探讨许多源于道教的医疗信仰和实践如何被纳入当地佛教的各种信仰和实践体系之中.

BuddhistRoad Paper 2.3 "The Ritual Use of Human Effigies in the Esoteric Buddhist Literature from Karakhoto"

2022-12-23T06:42:55+00:00

Among the Tibetan Buddhist literature unearthed at Karakhoto, a number of ritual texts of the liṅga effigies have recently been identified. These texts describe how to make and use the liṅga effigies for ritual purposes such as healing, inflicting harm, and exorcism. The rituals involving the use of the liṅga effigies had their origin in India, passed through Tibet, and spread to the Tangut Empire (ca. 1038–1227, in Chinese sources known as Xixia 西夏) and into the Yuan Dynasty (1271–1368, 元). So far, not much is known about the performance and transmission of the liṅga rituals in Eastern Central Asia. To fill this gap, this paper translates and annotates the ritual texts from the Karakhoto documents and in doing so illustrates how the liṅga effigies were made and used by people at the time, and further explores their transmission across Eastern Central Asia between the 11th and 14th centuries.

Chinese Translation

在黑水城出土的藏传佛教文献中, 有一些关于替身(liṅga effigies)的仪轨文本. 这些文献描述了如何制作和使用“人偶 (liṅga) ”, 以达到治疗, 伤害和驱魔等仪轨的目的. 使用“人偶”的仪轨起源于印度, 经过西藏, 传播到西夏(约公元1038–1227年)和元朝(公元1271–1368年). 到目前为止, 对中亚东部地区“人偶”仪轨的使用和传播的研究阙如. 为了填补这一空白, 本文对黑水城文献中的仪轨文本进行了翻译和注释, 从而说明当时人们是如何制作和使用“人偶”的, 并进一步探讨了它们在11–14世纪期间在中亚东部的传播情况.

BuddhistRoad Paper 3.2 "Law and Slavery on the Silk Roads: How did Buddhist Monks and Nuns Participate in the Slave Trade?”

2022-11-10T11:21:15+00:00

The selling and buying of human beings as slaves were highly sensitive, controversial, and profitable businesses on the trading networks along the Silk Road. Manuscripts excavated from Cave 17 in Dunhuang (敦煌) and tombs in the Astana graveyard in Turfan contain records documenting how Buddhist institutions and individual monks and nuns were involved in the slave trade as buyers, owners, sellers, and transaction witnesses between the 7th and 10th centuries. Examining lawsuits over slave ownership related to monks and nuns, this article explores the roles Buddhists played in the slave trade along the Silk Roads, and the legal implications of such involvement. It reveals that despite disapproval of slave ownership in Buddhist canon law and strict legal regulations on slave trade in the Tang Dynasty (618–907, 唐), Buddhist monks and nuns showed little concern over these restrictions when participating in the trading of slaves in the local markets in Dunhuang and Turfan. Whenever others challenged their possessions of slaves, these monks and nuns showed no reluctance in seeking legal intervention in the state court. In these practices, such Buddhist monks and nuns received evident support from the lay legal system. On one occasion, the local government ruled in favor of a Buddhist nun to protect her rights as the adoptive mother whilst ignoring her enslavement of a free commoner’s daughter, a severe crime against Tang law.

Chinese Translation

在丝绸之路上, 把人口当成奴隶来交易是一个既敏感, 充满争议, 又非常有利可图的生意. 敦煌17窟和吐鲁番阿斯塔纳墓地中出土的文书记录了佛教寺院和僧尼个人作为买方, 持有者, 卖方, 和交易见证人等身份卷入到七到十世纪的丝绸之路上的奴隶交易过程中. 本文通过对一系例涉及僧尼的奴隶归属法律案件的研究来探讨佛教徒在丝绸之路上的这些奴隶交易中所承担的角色以及其所牵涉的法律问题. 本文显示虽然佛教戒律不认可持有奴隶, 唐代的法律也对奴隶交易有严格的规定, 敦煌和吐鲁番地区的佛教僧尼在参与当地市场的奴隶交易时似乎对这些禁令很少在意. 当别人质疑他们所占有的奴隶的时候, 这些僧尼毫不犹豫地去地方法庭寻求法律干预. 他们的这些举动得到了世俗法律体系的明显支持. 在一个案例中, 地方法庭甚至做出了对一个比丘尼有利的判决. 这个判决一方面维护了她作为养母的权利, 令一方面却忽视了她把一个良民的女儿当作奴隶来用的这一严重违反唐代法律的行为.

BuddhistRoad Paper 2.6 "Esoteric Buddhist Liturgy and Spells in Dunhuang: A Study of the Manuscript P. 2322 and Its Implications”

2022-10-04T12:07:25+00:00

This essay explores one of the composite manuscripts in the Pelliot Collection of Dunhuang manuscripts (P. 2322), which features a collection of liturgical texts and spells that primarily relate to Esoteric Buddhism from the late medieval period in China. The manuscript in question is of particular interest for its inclusion of several rare and unique liturgical texts, including material belonging to the Vajraśekharasūtra cycle (Chin. Jingan ding jing 金剛頂經) of scriptures, spells from the important Tuoluoni zaji 陀羅尼雜集 [Miscellaneous Collection of Spells], as well as a number of more mainstream Sanskrit texts in transcribed Chinese. Typologically, the P. 2322 represents what is a de facto ‘private compilation,’ i.e., a compendium reflecting the religious interests of an individual practitioner. We know that it is a private compilation because no other copy has been found among the Dunhuang material, even though other manuscripts have been identified as containing a similar type of liturgical material. By analysing the contents and context of P. 2322 we can gain an insight into the workings of Dunhuang Buddhism on the ground during the late medieval period (9–10th centuries).

Chinese Translation

本文探讨了一部属于伯希和藏品的敦煌写卷 (P. 2322). 这一写卷主要收集了中国中古晚期与密宗相关的礼忏文本和咒语. 该写本因其包含了一些罕见且独特的忏文而备受关注, 其中包含属于《金刚顶经》的内容, 重要的《陀罗尼杂集》中的咒语, 以及一些更主流的梵文的汉字转写本. 从类型上看, P. 2322实际上是一份“私人汇编”, 即反映了某位修行者个人宗教旨趣的汇编. 尽管有些写本已被认定包含类似的礼忏内容, 但由于在敦煌写卷中没有发现其他版本, 故推测其为一份私人汇编. 通过分析P.2322的内容和背景, 我们可深入了解敦煌佛教在中古后期 (9–10世纪) 的实际状况.

BuddhistRoad Paper 2.5 "The Vajragarbha Bodhisattva Three-Syllable Visualisation: A Chinese Buddhist Sādhana Text from Tenth Century Dunhuang"

2022-09-12T13:53:53+00:00

This paper presents a translation and study of an unidentified Chinese Buddhist visualisation text based on the four known copies recovered from the Mogao Caves (Chin. Mogao ku 莫高窟) near Dunhuang (敦煌) in Eastern Central Asia. It begins with an examination of the text’s title and principal deity, Vajragarbha, and considers its immediate manuscript contexts. Next, the paper examines the language, structure, and contents of the text, and goes on to compare it to three Tibetan Mahāyoga works from the same site: one commentary on a brief Chan (禪) meditation text and two ritual commentaries on the same root sādhana. In lieu of a formal identification of the Chinese text, the paper situates all seven manuscripts, four Chinese and three Tibetan, within the wider manuscript matrix of 10th century Dunhuang, and speculates on what these textual sources can tell us about the local reception of Tantric Buddhism in the Dunhuang region during the late Guiyijun (851–1036?, 歸義軍, Return-to-Allegiance Army) period.

Chinese Translation

本文根据中亚东部敦煌附近的莫高窟中已发现的四个文本, 翻译并研究了一篇未被勘定的汉传佛教观修文本. 本文首先研究了该文本的标题和主尊金刚藏, 并考察了其直观的写本背景. 随后对该文本的语言, 结构和内容进行了考察, 并将其与同一地点的三个藏传摩诃瑜伽文本——一个简短的禅修文本注疏和两个对同一成就法仪轨的注疏——进行了比较. 笔者未对汉文本进行勘定, 而是将全部七个写本 (四个汉文本和三个藏文本) 置于敦煌10世纪更广泛的写本群中, 以探究这些归义军 (851–1036?) 晚期的文本在敦煌地区密教本土化方面可以为我们提供哪些信息.

BuddhistRoad Paper 1.5 "Introduction to Speculative Thinking: A Hitherto Unknown Work of Maja Jangchup Tsöndrü (d. 1185, rMa bya Byang chub brtson ’grus) in Tangut Translation"

2022-09-12T13:51:29+00:00

This paper is a study of a Tangut Buddhist text translated from a Tibetan treatise on Buddhist epistemology and logic (Skt. pramāṇa, Tib. tshad ma), titled Sew² ˑjij¹ ˑo² śjij¹ dźju¹ sji² lju̱² tshjịj² [The Ornament that Clarifies the Introduction to Speculative Thinking] (Tib. *rTog ge la ’jug pa gsal bar byed pa’i rgyan). The paper identifies the author of the text, ‘Master Bodhi Diligence of Central Tibet’ (Tang. Lji² phə¹ gu² lhjịj² Po¹ tjɨj¹ ˑjɨr² dzji̱j²), with Maja Jangchup Tsöndrü (d. 1185, Tib. rMa bya Byang chub brtson ’grus). Based on an appraisal of the content of the work, this paper observes that the treatise belongs to the genre of summary (Tib. bsdus pa) in the Sangpu Neutok (Tib. gSang phu ne’u thog) scholastic tradition of Buddhist epistemology. In addition to the text’s content, this paper also discusses some features of Tangut manuscripts themselves and attempts to peer into the classroom of Tangut monks. The paper further explores the connection between Maja and the Tangut Empire, especially Maja’s ties to Mt. Mati (Chin. Mati shan 馬蹄山). It concludes that he might have been the same person as ‘Grand Master Diligence’ (Tang. Khu¹ dźjij¹ mər² dzji̱j²), who transmitted certain teachings of the Great Seal (Skt. mahāmudrā, Tib. phyag rgya chen po) to the Tanguts.

Chinese Translation

本文研究的是一部西夏佛教文献, 翻译自与佛教量论和因明学(梵文: pramāṇa, 藏文: tshad ma)有关的藏文论典, 标题为《思辨趣入显明庄严》(西夏文: Sew2 ˑjij1 ˑo2 śjij1 dźju1 sji2 lju̱2 tshjịj2 ，藏文: *rTog ge la ’jug pa gsal bar byed pa’i rgyan). 本文认为“精进师”(西夏文: Lji² phə¹ gu² lhjịj² Po¹ tjɨj¹ ˑjɨr² dzji̱j²) 就是玛恰·绛曲尊珠(公元1185年, 藏文rMa bya Byang chub brtson 'grus). 通过对文本内容的研究, 笔者认为该论属于佛教量论桑浦内乌托(藏文: gSang phu ne’u thog)经院传统中的摄类学(藏文: bsdus pa). 另外, 本文还讨论了西夏文献本身的一些特点, 并试图一窥西夏僧人的课堂. 本文进一步探讨了玛恰与西夏王朝之间的关联, 特别是玛恰与马蹄山的关系, 并得出他可能与“精进师”(西夏文: Khu¹ dźjij¹ mər² dzji̱j²)是同一个人的结论, 后者将大手印(梵文: mahāmudrā, 藏文: phyag rgya chen po)的一些教法传到了西夏.

BuddhistRoad Paper 4.4 "Avalokiteśvara and the Longing to Return Home: Stein Painting 3 from Dunhuang"

2022-06-03T05:02:46+00:00

Stein painting 3 in the British Museum is a silk painting with a symmetrical composition of two Avalokiteśvara figures side by side. At 147.3×105.3 cm in size, this is one of the larger portable paintings from Dunhuang. At the top of the centre of the composition, between and above the heads of the two figures, is a yellow cartouche with a donor inscription. Although the inscription itself contains no date, it has been dated to the mid-9th century on the basis of a supposed reference to the Tibetan control of Dunhuang (787–848). This paper re-examines the inscription and argues that the part in question is unrelated to the Tibetan rule of the region and simply refers to a more generic situation of donors living away from their native land. By moving a detached piece of the silk to its original position, we can also possibly improve the reading of the inscription and, ultimately, its translation. A comparison with other similar inscriptions and colophons from Dunhuang demonstrates that the painting probably dates to the 920s, about seven decades later than previously assumed. In Dunhuang, this falls within the rule of the Guiyijun (851–1036?, 歸義軍, Return-to-Allegiance Army), when the region was separate from both Tibet and the Chinese states.

Chinese Translation

大英博物馆收藏的《斯坦因藏敦煌画作3》是一幅绢画，对称地描绘了两尊并排的观音像。这幅画的尺寸为147.3×105.3厘米，是敦煌出土的较大的便携式画作之一. 在画作中心的上部，两个人物头部上方的中间位置，有一个黄色小框，里面有供养人题记. 虽然题记本身没有日期，但根据对西藏控制敦煌（787–848年）时间的推测，它被断代为9世纪中期。本文对题记进行了重新研究，认为这部分内容与西藏对该地区的统治无关，只是涉及一种更为普遍的供养人远离故土的情况. 通过将脱落的绢块移回原位，我们或有可能修正对题记的誊录和翻译. 通过与敦煌其他类似的题记和跋文的比较，这幅画可能是公元920年代的作品，比之前的假设晚了近70年. 当时敦煌为归义军(851–1036?)统治时期，脱离了西藏和中原王朝的控制.

BuddhistRoad Paper 7.3 "Dunhuang Buddhist Texts in Transition: A Note on the Chan Buddhist Material in P. 2104"

2022-05-09T09:50:14+00:00

In this short essay, a single composite manuscript from Dunhuang has been selected for closer scrutiny with the purpose of identifying and discussing the Chan material it contains, as well as to account for the textual context in which it is found. To this end P. 2104 has been chosen, not only for its representational value but also because it features a variety of individual materials of considerable interest. A review of the contents of P. 2104 reveals that although the manuscript lacks an overall structure and is without inner coherence and organisational logic, it primarily consists of material relating to Esoteric Buddhist (Chin. mijiao 密教) ritual practices as well as Chan Buddhist (Chin. chanzong 禪宗) verses and didactical songs. The Chan material reflects what may be referred to as late Tang (618–907, 唐) to Five Dynasties (906–978, 五代) developments, and as such provides us with information on how a special type of Chan texts appeared in the transition between the later developments under the Tang and the period of formalisation and standardisation that characterises Chan Buddhism during the Northern Song (960–1126, 北宋). Lastly, it shows the manner in which Chan texts of this kind were used by practitioners living in Dunhuang during the Guiyijun (851–1036?, 歸義軍, Return-to-Allegiance Army) period.

Chinese Translation

本文选取了敦煌文书中的一份复合写本进行研究，以期识别和探讨其中包含的禅宗材料，并说明其文本背景. 之所以选择P.2104，不仅是因其所具有的代表性价值，还因其涉及多种值得关注的独特材料. 对P.2104的研究表明，尽管该写本既无整体结构，也无内在连贯性和组织逻辑，但其主要内容涉及密教实修与禅诗偈语. 这些材料反应了禅宗从唐（618–907）晚期到五代（906–978）的发展，也说明了从晚唐到北宋（960–1126）——禅宗逐渐正规化和标准化的过渡时期——这一特殊的文本类型是如何出现的，与此同时，其也展示了归义军（851–1036?）时期居于敦煌的修行者们使用这类禅诗偈语的方式.

BuddhistRoad Paper 1.4 "Telling Infelicities and Hidden Intelligibility: The ‘Interlingual Questions’ from the Samyé Debate in Tibet (792–794)"

2022-02-28T10:09:46+00:00

This article revisits two texts relevant to the so-called Samyé Debate, which presumable took place in the late 8th century between Chinese monk Moheyan (fl. second half of 8th c., 摩訶衍) and his Indo-Tibetan opponents. They are the Dunwu dasheng zhengli jue 頓悟大乘正理决 [The Judgement on Sudden Awakening Being the True Principle of Mahāyāna] in Chinese and the Tibetan equivalent of the ‘old questions’ and Moheyan’s answers. This article argues that lexical and grammatical infelicities can be used to reveal the interlingual nature of the questions and answers in these two texts. Whereas Moheyan’s answers were originally composed in Chinese and translated into Tibetan, the questions were originally formulated in Tibetan and translated into Chinese. The language barriers did not cause a breakdown in communication, as the two sides of the debate could manage to understand each other well via Tibetan as a written language.

Chinese Translation

本文再考了与所谓的 “桑耶僧诤” 有关的两件文本, 据推测, 该辩论发生在8世纪末的汉地僧人摩诃衍和他的印藏对手之间. 这两件文本是汉文的《顿悟大乘正理决》(The Judgement on Sudden Awakening Being the True Principle of Mahāyāna) 和相应的藏文本中的 “老议题” 及摩诃衍的回答. 本文认为, 词汇和语法的不规范性揭示了这两个文本中问答的跨语言性质. 摩诃衍的回答最初是用汉语写的, 后翻译成藏语, 而问题最初是用藏语写的, 随后翻译成了汉语. 语言的障碍并没有导致交流的中断, 因为辩论的双方可以通过藏语这种书面语言很好地理解对方.

BuddhistRoadPaper 5.6 "Light on ‘Art in the Dark’: On Buddhist Practice and Worship in the Mogao Caves"

2022-01-14T08:32:45+00:00

This piece has partly been written in response to a series of claims put forward by Robert Sharf almost a decade ago in his article Art in the Dark in which he argues that the Buddhist caves in Dunhuang (and elsewhere in China and Central Asia) were not for worship, but were created as a sort of ancestral memorials, or decorated mausoleums meant to be left in the dark. Given that the implications of such reading of Buddhist cave-art in the Sinitic cultural-sphere would surely have a profound impact on our overall understanding of Buddhist ritual practices and cave-art, should Sharf’s readings turn out to be correct, the evidence and speculations he uses as underpinnings for his line of argument in particular merit closer scrutiny. Moreover, as he touches upon a range of other related issues, all of which concern Buddhist ritual practices one way or another, it seems worthwhile to devote a lengthier essay to a more detailed discussion.

Chinese Translation

本文部分是为了回应Robert Sharf近十年前在《黑暗中的艺术》一文中提出的一系列主张, 他认为敦煌 (以及中国和中亚的其他地方) 的佛教石窟并非用于崇拜, 而是作为一种祭奠祖先之处或装饰的陵墓, 旨在被留在黑暗中. 如果Sharf的解读是正确的, 那么, 他对汉文化圈佛教石窟艺术的这种解读, 肯定会对我们对佛教仪式实践和石窟艺术的整体理解产生深远的影响, 他用来作为论证基础的证据和推测尤其值得仔细研究. 此外, 由于他触及了一系列其他相关的议题, 而这些议题又都以某种方式涉及到佛教的仪式实践, 因此似乎值得用更长的文章来进行更详细的讨论.

BuddhistRoadPaper 6.3 "Inside Out: The Social Life of a Pair of Inscribed Book Covers from Ancient Khotan"

2021-12-14T14:14:15+00:00

This paper presents the preliminary findings of an in-depth investigation of a pair of wooden book covers, each inscribed on the inside, which a Russian diplomat brought from the Tarim Basin to St. Petersburg. Pinpointing the find-spot of the covers as a significant archaeological site to the east of Khotan, the present research analyses the inscriptions, sheds new light on the materiality of the covers, and suggests that they were probably used as votive objects. A salient aspect of the covers is that they bear testimony to a close connection between the monastery, to which they once belonged, and some prestigious monasteries known from Chinese and Tibetan sources. Based on a careful reconstruction of the ties between these monasteries and their socio-religious implications, a tentative hypothesis is ventured on the nature of the binary system of Buddhist monasteries in the Kingdom of Khotan (ca. 1st c.?–1006).

Chinese Translation

本文是对一对木质书套进行深入研究的初步成果, 这对内侧都刻有文字的书套, 是一位俄罗斯外交官从塔里木盆地带到圣彼得堡的. 本文认定书套的发现地当为于阗东部一个重要的考古遗址, 在对刻文进行分析的基础上对书套的材料也进行了说明, 并认为它们可能是祭祀物品. 这对书套的特别之处在于其表明了它们曾经所属的寺院与一些在汉藏文献中著名的寺院之间的密切联系. 基于对这些寺院及其社会宗教影响之间关联的谨慎重构, 笔者对于阗王国 (约公元前1–1006年) 佛教寺院的二元系统的性质提出了一个初步的假设.

BuddhistRoadPaper 1.2 "Toward A Typology of Chödrup’s (Tib. Chos Grub, Chin. Facheng 法成) Cursive Handwriting: A Palaeographical Perspective"

2021-10-18T10:36:08+00:00

In this paper, I focus on the palaeography of a collection of eight Tibetan manuscripts hypothesised to have been written by the same scribal hand. The eight manuscripts—IOL Tib J 217, IOL Tib J 686, IOL Tib J 687, IOL Tib J 625, IOL Tib J 588, IOL Tib J 619, P. T. 770, and P. T. 783v—are closely related, not merely in light of their sophisticated cursive handwriting, but also by virtue of their common textual genre (being summaries or commentaries rather than direct scriptural translations) and thematic content: these Tibetan texts were all based on Chinese sources and attributed to Gö Chödrup (fl. first half of the 9th c., Tib. ’Gos Chos grub, Chin. Wu Facheng 吳法成), either directly or indirectly. Moreover, many manuscripts produced by the imperial Tibetan copying project contain editorial records written in the same hand; these records indicate that Chödrup acted as the final proofreader. Therefore, we can now more confidently attribute this hand to Chödrup himself. By establishing a typology of this handwriting and offering a table of how syllables are written by this hand in the appendix, this paper contributes to a better reading of manuscripts containing this type of script and can potentially provide a benchmark for further recognition of works written in the same hand.

Chinese Translation

本文重点从古文字学的角度探讨了八份藏文写本, 这些写本被认为是出自同一个抄者之手. 这八份写本 (IOL Tib J 217, IOL Tib J 686, IOL Tib J 687, IOL Tib J 625, IOL Tib J 588, IOL Tib J 619, P. T. 770和P. 783v) 密切相关, 不仅因为它们以熟练的草书写成, 还因为它们相同的文本体裁 (是总结或注疏而非直接经文翻译) 和主题内容: 这些藏文写本都基于汉文材料, 且都直接或间接的被归属于吴·法成 (9世纪上半叶在世. 藏: ’Gos Chos grub). 此外, 许多出自西藏皇帝抄经项目的写本也都包含有出自此笔迹的编辑记录, 而法成的名字也被明确提及—这些记录表明, 法成也担任了此项目校对者. 因此, 我们可以更有把握地认为这位抄者即是法成本人. 本文试图建立这种笔迹的类型研究, 并在附录中提供这种手写体字母或字母组合的书写形态, 其有助于更好地阅读包含有这种字体的手稿, 并有可能为进一步识别用这种笔迹书写的文本提供一个基准.

BuddhistRoadPaper 5.5 “On the Office of Saṃgha Overseer in Dunhuang during the Period of Guiyijun Rule"

2021-04-28T08:20:09+00:00

This essay focuses on the succession of important monks who occupied the prestigious post of saṃgha overseer (Chin. sengtong 僧統) in Dunhuang after the establishment of the Guiyijun regime (851–1036, Return-to-Allegiance Army, 歸義軍) in the territory from the second half of the 9th century until well into the 11th century. I look at the functions that were formally part of the jurisdiction and duty of the saṃgha overseers and, after that, at the lives of each of these monks. These are being examined against the data yielded by the primary sources, that is, the Dunhuang manuscripts. The overall purpose is to develop a sense of the institution of saṃgha overseer in Dunhuang and to arrive at a deeper appreciation of these monks as primary agents in the religious and political context of this minor kingdom located in Eastern Central Asia on the western-most border of the Chinese cultural space.

Chinese Translation

本文着眼于9世纪下半叶到11世纪敦煌归义军建立政权 (851–1036) 后, 历任在敦煌担任显赫僧统职位的重要僧人. 笔者根据收集, 整理敦煌写本中的记载, 梳理了僧统一般的管辖权和职能, 并进一步探究了每一任僧统的生平. 总体而言, 笔者想要对敦煌的寺院僧统机构有所了解, 进而对这些僧侣作为这个位于中亚东部, 中原文化西陲的小王国的宗教和政治环境中的主要代理人有更深的认识.

BuddhistRoadPaper 5.2 “The Buddhist Temples in Dunhuang: Mid–8th to Early 11th Centuries"

2021-04-28T08:20:52+00:00

This presentation is a guide to the Buddhist temples and hermitages that existed in Dunhuang during the periods of the Tibetan and Guiyijun rule (851–1036?, 歸義軍, Return-to-Allegiance Army), and covers a timespan of roughly two hundred and fifty years, from the late 8th to mid-11th centuries. I provide as much primary data as possible on local Buddhist institutions, organised for easy reference. There is an entry for each temple that features a historical overview, monastic sustenance, including landholdings, buildings, libraries, scriptures, practices and rituals, important clerics, connections to the construction of caves at Mogao, and notes on location when available. Since previous presentations and documentation of Dunhuang’s temples and their activities in secondary literature are partial, fragmentary, and scattered, this is an attempt to bring together as much data as possible, in order to provide scholars with up-to-date access to the most important material. However, given the vast number of primary sources, not all of the relevant information is included here. Nonetheless, this is an easy-to-use tool to enable further studies.

Chinese Translation

本文介绍了在吐蕃和归义军统治时期 (851–1036?) 敦煌存在的佛教寺庙和隐修地, 涵盖了从8世纪后半叶到11世纪中叶大约250年的时间. 笔者尽可能多的介绍并整理了当地佛教机构的主要数据以方便参考. 每座寺庙都有一个条目, 概述其历史, 介绍寺院概况, 包括土地所有权, 建筑, 藏经阁, 经文, 实修和仪轨, 重要的神职人员, 与开凿莫高窟的关联, 以及部分寺院的地理位置. 由于以前涉及敦煌寺庙及其活动的介绍和文献的二手资料多是片面, 零碎和分散的, 本文试图汇集尽可能多的信息, 以便为进一步研究提供最新且最重要的资料. 不过, 鉴于基础资料的数量庞大, 本文并没有将所有相关信息都囊括其中. 即便如此, 本文仍是一个易于使用的有助于进一步研究的工具.

BuddhistRoadPaper 2.4 “On the the Use of Mudrās in Dunhuang’s Buddhist Rituals During the 9th to 10th Centuries"

2021-02-22T12:32:25+00:00

This short essay is devoted to a survey and discussion of the Dunhang manuscripts which feature drawings of mudrās, gestures or hand-seals (Chin. shouyin 手印), i.e. ritualised hand gestures employed in Esoteric Buddhist Rituals. There are three known examples of manuscripts featuring such mudrās: the long roll of P. 3905, the manual of P. 3835, and the set of line drawings of OA 1919,0101,0.83*. These three manuscripts form the basis of the present discourse, including an identification of the textual sources for these sets of mudrās and a discussion of the use of mudrās more generally in the Esoteric Buddhist context of Dunhuang during the 9th to 10th centuries.

Chinese Translation

这篇短文专门研究和讨论了敦煌写本中的手势或手印图像 (即在密教仪轨中使用的仪式化手势). 目前已知具有这种手印的写本有三个: P. 3905的长卷, P. 3835的手册, 以及OA 1919,0101,0.83*的白描图集. 本文以这三份写本为基础, 识别了这几套手印的文本来源, 进而更广泛地讨论了9至10世纪手印在敦煌密教中的使用情况.

BuddhistRoad Paper 7.1 “The Phurpa Root Tantra of Nyang-rel Nyima Özer’s (1124–1192, Tib. Myang ral Nyi ma ’od zer) Eightfold Buddha Word, Embodying the Sugatas (Tib. bKa’ brgyad bDe gshegs ’dus pa) Corpus: A Thematic Overview and Philological Analysis”

2021-02-18T14:45:07+00:00

This article is an in-depth study of the bDe bar gshegs pa thams cad kyi phrin las (var. ’phrin las) ’dus pa phur pa rtsa ba’i rgyud [The Phurpa Root Tantra that Comprises the Activities of all the Sugatas; hereafter Phurpa Root Tantra], a seminal text on the tantric deity Vajrakīlaya from the bKa’ brgyad bDe gshegs ’dus pa [Eightfold Buddha Word, Embodying the Sugatas; henceforth KD] corpus revealed by Nyang-rel Nyima Özer (1124–1192, Tib. Myang ral nyi ma ’od zer) in 12th century Tibet. The study consists of two main parts: a detailed thematic overview of the contents of the tantra’s thirteen chapters, and a philological analysis of selected variants found among the different editions of the text, an analysis which elucidates the relationships between the various textual witnesses and allows us to construct a stemma. Given the increasing awareness among specialists of the formative role played by the KD corpus in the codification of the Nyingma (Tib.rnying ma) school of Tibetan Buddhism, this article lays the groundwork for future investigations of this vast repertoire of tantric material. Our enquiry shows that despite being revealed by a named and famous visionary, the Phurpa Root Tantra shares significant features with the (usually anonymously produced) scriptures of the rNying ma rgyud ’bum [Ancient Tantra Collection; henceforth NGB]. The paper thus contributes to the ongoing scholarly discussion concerning processes of scriptural production in the context of Tibetan tantric religion.

Chinese Translation

本文深入研究了由娘热尼玛沃瑟 (1124–1192, 藏文: Myang ral nyi ma ’od zer) 在西藏于12世纪发掘的《 (修部) 八教善逝集 (bKa’ brgyad bDe gshegs ’dus pa, 下文简称KD) 》中关于密教普巴金刚的一个重要文本《一切善逝事业总集普巴根本续 (bDe bar gshegs pa thams cad kyi phrin las (或 ’phrin las) ’dus pa phur pa rtsa ba’i rgyud, 下文简称<普巴根本续>) 》. 该研究包括两个主要部分: 一是对十三章内容主题的详细介绍, 一是对该文本不同版本间差异的语文学分析, 该研究阐明了各种文本之间的关系以构建一个谱系图. 鉴于学者们越来越意识到KD文集在藏传佛教宁玛派的编纂中所发挥的形成性作用, 本文为今后对这一庞博的密宗材料库的研究奠定了基础. 本研究指出, 尽管《普巴根本续》是由一位著名的伏藏师所揭示, 但它与《宁玛十万续》 (下文简称NGB) (通常被视为匿名汇编) 的文本有很多相似特点. 因此, 本文亦对正在进行中的关于西藏密宗宗教背景下的经文制作过程的学术讨论也有所助益.

BuddhistRoad Paper 7.2 “The Action Phurpa (’phrin las phur pa) from the Eightfold Buddha Word, Embodying the Sugatas (bKa’ brgyad bDe gshegs ’dus pa), revealed by Nyang-rel Nyima Özer (1124–1192, Tib. Myang ral Nyi ma ’od zer)”

2021-04-27T11:30:37+00:00

This paper presents the main findings of an in-depth textual study of the core sections of the “’phrin las phur pa [Action Phurpa]” part of Nyang-rel Nyima Özer’s (Tib. Myang ral Nyi ma ’od zer) revealed corpus of the bKa’ brgyad bDe gshegs ’dus pa [The Eightfold Buddha Word, Embodying the Sugatas]. This research suggests that at least this part of the Eightfold Buddha Word revelation represents the survival of an archaic form of practice on the tantric deity, Vajrakīlaya. Its six sections constitute a coherent whole covering complementary aspects of the tantric rituals, while the second section parallels in its entirety a text from the archaeological recovered manuscripts from a Library Cave in Dunhuang (IOL Tib J 331.III), which dates back over a century before Nyang-rel’s time. Here, a critical edition of that second section of Nyang-rel’s Action Phurpa is presented, taking account of all current extant versions, and supported by consideration of the accompanying materials found in the five other sections.

Chinese Translation

本文深入研究了娘热尼玛沃瑟 (Tib. Myang ral Nyi ma 'od zer)所掘伏藏《 (修部) 八教善逝集 (bKa’ brgyad bDe gshegs ’dus pa) 》中《事业普巴 (phrin las phur pa) 》部分的核心文本. 本研究指出《 (修部) 八教善逝集》的这部分至少代表了一种古老的密宗本尊—普巴金刚修法的延续. 该部分的六品构成了一个连贯的, 相辅相成的密宗仪轨整体, 而其第二品则与敦煌藏经洞考古发现中的一个写本 (IOL Tib J 331.III) 完全相似, 该写本可以追溯到娘热的时代之前一个多世纪. 笔者综合参考了目前所有版本及其他五个部分中的相关材料, 在本文中对娘热之《事业普巴》的第二品做了精校.

BuddhistRoad Paper 4.3 “Giving and the Creation of Merit: Buddhist Donors and Donor Dedications from 10th Century Dunhuang”

2020-08-14T04:41:37+00:00

This essay is devoted to a presentation and discussion of the manner in which Buddhist offerings and donations were made in the context of Buddhism in Dunhuang (敦煌) during the 10th century. It investigates the motives for making offerings, with special attention to religious paintings and holy books. I provide several elucidating case stories for each category, as well as a number of special or unusual examples. The basic idea is to give detailed insight into the motives and typologies underlying the activities of Buddhist donors and patrons under Guiyijun rule (851–1036?, 歸義軍, Return-to-Allegiance Army).

Chinese Translation

本文专门介绍和讨论了10世纪敦煌佛教中的献祭和供养方式. 通过对宗教壁画和经典的特别关注, 以探究其供养的动机. 笔者通过若干案例来阐释每一类别, 并介绍了一些特殊或不寻常例子. 本文主要探究了归义军 (851–1036?) 统治时期佛教供养人和施主们活动的动机和类型.

BuddhistRoad Paper 5.1 "On Meditation Caves and Cave-dwelling Ascetics in Dunhuang, 9th to 13th Centuries"

2020-08-03T07:03:50+00:00

This essay discusses cave-dwelling ascetic monks in Dunhuang from the 9th to 13th centuries. First, I provide a brief and general presentation of cave-dwelling monks in Buddhism, followed by a more specific discussion of the phenomena in Chinese Buddhism. Then, I give a critical review of current Chinese Mainland scholarly positions on cave-dwelling monks and ‘meditation caves’ in Dunhuang, followed by an analysis of the primary sources, and lastly, a survey of archaeological data that has emerged in the past two decades regarding the residential caves in the Northern Section of the Mogao Caves.

Chinese Translation

本文讨论了9至13世纪敦煌禅窟的苦行僧. 笔者首先概述了在佛教传统中于洞窟中修行的僧人, 进而更为具体的讨论了汉传佛教中的禅窟. 随后, 对目前中国大陆学者对敦煌的禅窟及苦行僧的研究进展进行了批判性的回顾并分析了一些基本材料, 最后对莫高窟北区禅窟过去20年中出现的相关考古资料进行了探究.

BuddhistRoad Paper 5.3 “The Life and Times of Daozhen — a Saṃgha Leader and Monk Official in Dunhuang during the 10th Century”

2020-06-12T07:46:10+00:00

This paper is a study of the life and times of the important local Dunhuang Buddhist monk Daozhen (ca. 915–ca. 987, 道真), the abbot of the Sanjie Temple (三界寺), which was located next to the Mogao Caves (莫高窟). Daozhen is interesting for a variety of reasons, including his involvement with a number of restoration projects involving a cave and the library holdings of his own temple. Moreover, he is undoubtedly one of the best-documented figures in the history of Buddhism in Dunhuang (敦煌).

The activities of important individuals who operated within the religious space of the Mogao Caves in Dunhuang reflect the historical and religious dynamics of the site. Given that Daozhen was an important religious agent, understanding his significance and position within local Buddhism sheds light on how an influential cleric could shape religious life in a sacred space.

Chinese Translation

本文对敦煌当地重要的佛僧道真 (约915–约987) 的生平及其时代行进了研究. 作为莫高窟旁三界寺的主持, 道真有很多有趣的地方, 包括他参与了一些涉及洞窟的修复项目和其寺院藏经处的收藏. 此外, 他无疑是敦煌佛教史上记载最详细的人物之一, 而重要人物在敦煌莫高窟这一宗教空间内的活动反映了该地的历史和宗教动态. 鉴于道真是一位重要的宗教人物, 理解他在当地佛教中的重要性和地位, 有助于了解一位有影响力的僧侣如何在一个神圣空间中型塑宗教生活.

BuddhistRoad Paper 5.4 "The Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī, Mt. Wutai, and Uyghur Pilgrims"

2020-02-05T05:53:10+00:00

Once Mt. Wutai, or Five-Peak-Mountain, was recognised as the Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī’s domicile in this world, that mountain became a popular pilgrimage destination in China. During the Tang period, the special status of that bodhisattva as state protector was reinforced through the Tang emperors’ Buddhist legitimation strategies, and the mountain enjoyed prosperity under royal patronage. Over time, the flourishing Mañjuśrī cult at Mt. Wutai was transmitted to Eastern and Central Asia. Some rulers in Eastern and Central Asia who legitimated their rule in Buddhist contexts seem to have been aware of the special status of the Mañjuśrī cult at Mt. Wutai for themselves and their states. However, the Uyghur rulers seem to have differed because they relied upon non-Buddhist legitimation strategies. The Mañjuśrī cult at Mt. Wutai flourished among Uyghur Buddhists during the Mongolian period. In that period, pilgrims from various regions, including the Uyghurs, visited the mountain. The activities of those pilgrims spread information about the Mañjuśrī cult at Mt. Wutai throughout Eastern and Central Asia.

Chinese Translation

作为文殊菩萨在世间的道场, 五台山便成为了中国著名的朝圣地. 唐朝时, 文殊菩萨作为国家怙主的特殊地位经由唐朝皇帝的佛教合法化策略得到了加强, 该山在皇家的供养下享受着尊荣. 随着时间的推移, 五台山蓬勃发展的文殊信仰被传到了东亚和中亚. 东亚和中亚的一些统治者借用佛教而合法化了其统治—他们似乎已经意识到五台山的文殊信仰对他们自己及其政权的特殊作用. 然而, 回鹘统治者似乎有所不同, 因为他们依靠的是非佛教的合法化策略. 蒙元时期, 五台山的文殊信仰在回鹘佛教徒中盛行. 那时, 不同地区的朝圣者们, 包括回鹘人, 都往五台山朝圣. 这些朝圣者的活动将五台山的文殊信仰传播到了整个东亚和中亚.

BuddhistRoad Paper 4.2 “Guiyijun and Buddhism at Dunhuang: A Year by Year Chronicle”

2019-11-08T07:21:43+00:00

This chronicle has been compiled with the express purpose of providing an easy-to-use reference for the most important or significant dated events in the history of the relationship between local Buddhism in Dunhuang and the Guiyijun (歸義軍) regime. It is to a large extent inspired by a chronicle Rong Xinjiang (榮新江) made in the mid-1990s, but in contrast to his compilation, the present one focuses exclusively on matters relating to Buddhism. I have also provided additional data, which he for various reasons did not include.

Chinese Translation

本文的编撰目的是为了给敦煌地方佛教与归义军政权关系史上最重要或最有意义的事件提供一个易于使用的参考. 本研究在很大程度上受荣新江在1990年代中期所做的大事纪年的启发, 但与荣新江的编年相比, 本文只关注与佛教有关的事项. 笔者还枚列了荣氏由于各种原因没有收录的额外材料.

BuddhistRoad Paper 2.2 "Tibetan Tantra and Chinese Esoteric Buddhism in the Melting Pot: A Study of a Chinese Recension of the Twenty-Eight Vajra Precepts"

2019-10-14T07:20:58+00:00

This paper is devoted to an elucidation of the Chinese manuscript of the Jingang ershiba jie 金剛二十八戒 [Twenty-eight Vajra Precepts], which appear as part of a ritual manual located among the manuscripts from Dunhuang (敦煌) (P. 3861 (3)). This Tantric Buddhist text, in which the proper behaviour of a Tantric adept is set forth, was most likely transmitted via Tibetan Buddhism to the Chinese Buddhist community in Dunhuang in the course of the 9–10th centuries. The paper explores the history of the Twenty-eight Vajra Precepts as reflected in a number of Dunhuang manuscripts, and seeks to contextualise it as well as accounting for its usage in local Buddhist practice. A fully annotated translation accompanies the presentation.

Chinese Translation

本文致力于阐释《金刚二十八戒》的汉文写本, 该写本是敦煌文书中一部仪轨手册 (P. 3861 (3)) 的一部分. 这部密教文本规定了密宗修行者的行为举止, 很可能是在9–10世纪期间通过藏传佛教传播到了敦煌的汉传佛教界. 本文探讨了一些敦煌写本中所反映的《金刚二十八戒》的历史, 并试图分析其背景, 说明其在当地佛教实修中的使用情况. 本文完整译注了该写本.

BuddhistRoad Paper 2.1 "A Padmapāṇi Spell-Amulet from Dunhuang: Observatio on OA 1919,0101,0.18"

2021-11-05T10:36:52+00:00

This article throws light on a slightly unusual example of a trans-cultural artefact, namely a dhāraṇī-amulet, which in this case features the imprint and creative designs of both Tibetan and Chinese Buddhist cultures, even though its basic iconic components remain rooted in Indian Buddhism. Although not unique among the Dunhuang material, it is a fascinating and slightly curious example of how Buddhism served as a common denominator for Buddhist practitioners of both cultures during the period of the Tibetan rule of Shazhou (沙州), i.e. roughly between the late 750s/early 760s and 848. The example discussed here is from the collection of the British Museum, and has for unknown reasons hitherto escaped the notice of the scholarly community.

Chinese Translation

本文介绍了一件略显奇特的跨文化工艺品, 即一个陀罗尼护身符 (dhāraṇī-amulet), 它具有藏传和汉传佛教文/ 中国佛教化的印记和创造性设计, 但其基本的标志性成分仍然源于印度佛教. 尽管它在敦煌文物中并不独特, 但却是一个迷人且略微特别的例子, 说明了在西藏统治沙州期间 (约750年代末/760年代初至848年之间, 佛教如何成为两种文化的佛教徒的共同标准. 该工艺品为大英博物馆的收藏, 不知缘何尚未引起学术界的注意.

BuddhistRoad Paper 4.1. "Donors and Image in Dunhuang: A Case Study of OA 1919,0101,0.54"

2021-11-05T10:37:50+00:00

This essay explores a case of a religious painting in Dunhuang, an icon of the Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara (OA 1919,0101,0.54), offered as a joint, multi-generational family enterprise. During the 9th and 10th centuries, we see that donor-portraits became increasingly important as fixtures in votive paintings produced in Dunhuang, in some cases even surpassing the importance of the main icon itself. Not only was it the living who sought to create religious merit for themselves and their deceased relatives, but in many paintings the dead were still very much ‘active,’ or at least present.

Chinese Translation

本文探讨了敦煌宗教壁画中的一个案例, 即被某一家族历代集资供养的觀(世)音菩萨像 (OA 1919,0101,0.54). 在9–10世纪, 可以看到供养人肖像的绘制在敦煌祈愿壁画中渐成惯例且越来越重要, 在某些情况下甚至超过了主供像本身. 这不仅是生者要为自己和已故的亲属积累功德, 在许多壁画中, 死者仍然非常 “活跃”, 或至少维持在场的状态.

BuddhistRoad Paper 6.1. Special Issue: Ancient Central Asian Networks, ed. Erika Forte. “Introduction”

2021-11-05T10:39:14+00:00

Introduction

BuddhistRoad Paper 6.1. Special Issue: Ancient Central Asian Networks, ed. Erika Forte. “Tibetan Dominion over Dunhuang and the Formation of a Tibeto–Chinese Community”

2019-01-31T16:53:56+00:00

The Tibetan dominion over Dunhuang (786–848) had an inevitable influence on the social life of the Chinese inhabitants. The manuscripts, both Chinese texts written in Tibetan script and Tibetan texts recognized as being for use by Chinese people, indicate the existence of a 'Tibeto-Chinese community' in Dunhuang. This assertion can be supported by Chinese poems, transcribed in Tibetan script, as well as by association (Chin. she 社) documents and texts on the Chinese Five Surnames theory written in Tibetan. This article puts its focus on when and how this Tibeto-Chinese community was formed, and how long it had lasted. The Tibeto-Chinese community remained in existence even as far as the Guiyijun period (from 848 until the beginning of the 11th c., 歸義軍), which can be observed through two-time varying systems of Tibetan transcription of Chinese characters—one is the dialect of Chang‘an (長安) and the other is the local dialect of Dunhuang (敦煌), a variety of the North-Western dialect of Chinese. As a supplementary material to reinforce this argument, the author also presents the Chinese text Yuan xinlang (願新郎 [Prayer for the Groom]—a text to be recited for wedding ceremonies) written in Tibetan script which can be dated to the Guiyijun period.

Chinese Translation

吐蕃对敦煌的统治 (786-848) 对汉人居民的社会生活产生了不可避免的影响. 用藏文字母转写的汉文文本和被认为是供汉人使用的藏文文本, 表明在敦煌存在着一个 “藏汉社区”. 用藏文转写的汉语诗歌以及用藏文书写的社邑文书和关于五姓说的文本都可以支持这一论断. 本文重点讨论了这个藏汉社区是何时, 如何形成的, 以及其存续时间. 藏汉社区甚至在归义军时期 (从848年到公元11世纪初) 仍然存在, 这可以通过两种不同的藏文转写汉字系统判断得知, 一种是长安方言, 另一种是属于汉语西北方言的敦煌地方方言. 作为加强这一论点的补充材料, 笔者还介绍了用藏文字母转写的汉文文本《愿新郎》—一种在婚礼上诵读的文本, 其年代可追溯到归义军时期.

BuddhistRoad Paper 6.1. Special Issue: Ancient Central Asian Networks, ed. Erika Forte. “Brahmanical Deities in Foreign Lands: The Fate of Skanda in Buddhist Central Asia”

2021-11-05T10:39:31+00:00

The relationship between Brahmanism and Buddhism is a very inspiring field of inquiry, with which scholars have so far dealt applying different, often antithetic, methodological approaches and attitudes of mind. The question of the 'borrowing' of Brahmanical deities by the Buddhist theistic system is one of the major issues of the debate. On this occasion, it will be addressed from an iconographic viewpoint, with a focus on the Brahmanical god Skanda/Kārttikeya, a multifaceted and metamorphic deity in its own original milieu. Formerly a demon, later promoted to divine rank, Skanda plays a role in Buddhism as well. An analysis of the diverse iconographic contexts in which his depictions occur, from Gandhāra to Central Asia, offers interesting clues to a possible explanation of his presence in the local Buddhist repertoires.

Chinese Translation

婆罗门教与佛教之间的关系是一个非常有启发性的研究领域, 迄今为止, 学者们运用不同的, 甚至是对立的方法论和思维角度来研究这个问题. 佛教有神论系统对婆罗门教神祇的 “借用” 是争议的主要方面之一. 此次, 我们将着眼于在其原始背景多面且善变的婆罗门教的神祇韦驮 (Skanda/Kārttikeya), 从图像学的角度探究这一问题. 韦驮以前是一个恶魔, 后来晋升为神祇, 在佛教中也发挥着作用. 从犍陀罗到中亚韦驮不同的图像背景, 为解释他在当地佛教语境中的存在提供了有趣的线索.

BuddhistRoad Paper 1.1. "Five Old Uyghur Abhidharma Texts Containing Brāhmī Elements"

2019-01-28T14:05:41+00:00

It is commonly known that Chinese Buddhist texts were the main source of Old Uyghur Buddhist texts, which means that the majority of them were translated from Chinese. Among them were not only popular Mahāyāna texts but also Chinese apocryphal texts and commentaries. Abhidharma texts were also included in the lists of texts translated from Chinese. These works are noteworthy for the fact that they often contain Chinese characters in them. However, in recent years five Abhidharma texts partly written in Brāhmī script have been identified. In this paper, the comparative study of those five texts as well as their possible originals is presented, and related problems are discussed.

Chinese Translation

众所周知, 汉文佛教典籍是古回鹘文佛教典籍的主要来源, 也就是说, 大部分典籍都是从汉文翻译过来的. 其中不仅有流行的大乘佛经, 还有汉文伪经和释论. 阿毗达摩典籍也是从汉文翻译的典籍之一. 值得注意的是, 这些作品中经常出现汉字. 然而, 近年来发现了五件部分以婆罗米字书写的阿毗达摩文本. 本文对这五件文本及其可能的起源进行了比较研究, 并讨论了一些相关议题.

BuddhistRoad Paper 6.1. Special Issue: Ancient Central Asian Networks, ed. Erika Forte. “Conveying India to the Pamir and Further Away: On Divine Hierarchy and Political Paradigms in Buddhist Texts”

2021-11-05T10:38:50+00:00

While relatively early we see that some of the prominent Indian gods and diis minores are current interlocutors of the Buddha, at some point epic‘s characters are introduced in Buddhist narrative and become even 'divinized/deified' figures, some of them as mere name, other with a subtle reference to their original and specific physiognomy if not pedigree. On their part, the lords of land essentials in regulating social order were possibly the first agents with whom the Buddhists entered mundane transactions with the hosting society for the sake of installing the institution. And the success of the enterprise was depending upon the subtle 'coalescence' of their respective common law and/or juridical system. The hierarchy of the various divinities attested in epigraphy and in secular documents while in a way indicates the degree of reciprocal permeability of the Buddhist institution and the outer society, equally informs the historian about the possible itineraries taken by texts and their conveyors.

Chinese Translation

我们很早就知道一些著名的印度神祇和diis minores现在是佛陀的对话者, 某些时候, 史诗中的人物被引入佛教叙事, 甚至成为 “神化/被奉若神明”的人物, 其中一些只是名字, 另一些则隐晦地涉及他们原始和特定的面相—如果不是因为血统的话. 管理社会秩序的土地领主可能是佛教徒与佛教传入的社会进行世俗交易的第一个中间人, 其目的是为了建立佛教组织. 这项事业的成功取决于他们各自的普通法和/或司法系统微妙的 “联合”. 碑铭和世俗文献中体现的众神等级, 在某种程度上表明了佛教组织与世俗社会相互渗透的程度, 同时也让历史学家了解到文本及其传递者可能的互动路径.

BuddhistRoad Paper 6.1. Special Issue: Ancient Central Asian Networks, ed. Erika Forte. “The Eight Protectors of Khotan Reconsidered: From Khotan to Dunhuang”

2019-01-31T16:49:29+00:00

This paper provides an overview of the group of Eight Protectors of Khotan de-scribed in Khotanese, Tibetan and Chinese literary texts and manuscripts. The paper then identifies images of this group depicted in the Mogao Caves of Dunhuang, where they appeared from the late 9th to 10th centuries. Inclusion of the Eight Protectors of Khotan in caves sponsored by the Dunhuang Governors, in particular, indicates not only a close political relation between Dunhuang and Khotan, but also the profound influence of Khotanese Buddhist culture in the Dunhuang Caves art.

Chinese Translation

本文首先概述了于阗文, 藏文和汉文文献与写本中的于阗八大护法, 其后认定这组图像在敦煌莫高窟中出现于9世纪末到10世纪. 特别是将于阗八大护法归于由敦煌统治者出资开凿的洞窟, 不仅表明了敦煌和于阗之间密切的政治关系, 而且展现了于阗佛教文化对敦煌石窟艺术的深刻影响.